The possibility of having Geraldo Alckmin as a candidate to be Lula’s vice president was assumed that the former president would be adopting a righter policy. The reasoning would be that Lula would form an alliance with the bourgeoisie and, on the other hand, a sector of the ruling class would be willing to allow the Workers’ Party to return to power, as long as this government were similar to 2002 and that the bourgeoisie would control the government to assure it would not commit excesses.
Although Lula continues to show signs that he would adopt a more left-oriented policy. Since he declared support to Ortega’s government in the press and, along with key figures from PT, pointed out his government will not carry on with the program established by the scammers after the overthrow of President Dilma Rousseff. That is, his government will revoke the austerity policy, along with the distribution of Petrobras’ profits to shareholders (the evasion of the company’s profit) and labour reform. Such statements, especially considering Lula’s situation ahead of the polls and the serious international political scenery, are more than mere statements, are attacks against the Brazilian bourgeoisie that struck the coup in 2016.
The possible alliance with Alckmin does not mean an alliance with the bourgeoisie, because Alckmin does not represents the Brazilian bourgeoisie any more. The bourgeoisie party, PSDB, has now a new and more aggressive program, related to João Doria. Alckmin was practically expelled from his own party. It is, in fact, a question of an alliance with a right-winger, a shadow of the bourgeoisie, and not with the bourgeoisie.
It will be up to the popular movement to impose its own claims program. Lula will only be elected and may have chances to govern through a broad popular mobilization.